Most anyone familiar with US history in the 20th century has heard about the Second Red Scare in one form or another. Whether through Richard Nixon and the House Un-American Activities Committee or old videos of Joseph McCarthy, most people are familiar with the era and the pain and suffering it inflicted on thousands of innocent US citizens. What tends to get lost in most narratives of this era is that it started much earlier than the late 1940’s, and what its actual aims were. Landon Storrs does much in her book to rectify this.
The real period of the Second Red Scare began not with Nixon and McCarthy in the late ‘40s, but with Texas Representative Martin Dies in the ‘30s. Dies, like Nixon and McCarthy after him, sought to purge the federal government of any and all progressive influences, ranging from Communist Party members to New Deal liberals. Almost all federal workers in this period fell within this spectrum, as many had previous ties to radical groups when they were younger. Dies and his heirs went after as many non-conservatives in government service as possible, working to discredit the idea that anyone believing in an active federal government could have the interests of the U.S. at heart, potentially even undermining the country from within.
Another aspect to this inquisition of progressive thought that is largely overlooked in this episode of US history, but Storrs focuses on heavily, is the role of gender. Conservatives often accused male government workers of being subservient, or feminized, in their positions, and used this as proof-positive that they were Communists, who were seen as subservient to the Party. Female government workers were treated even worse. The New Deal and Great Depression opened up more positions to women, which subverted traditional gender roles. This antagonized conservatives who sought to undo these social changes. Individuality from a female outside conservative preferences was used as evidence that they were Communists, who espoused gender equality, and as further evidence against the woman’s husband if she were married.
In the U.S. today, many younger people lament the lack of a farther left voice in the political spectrum—this episode is why there are few of these voices left. Before the Second Red Scare, previous members of radical groups were still active in politics and government in one way or another. Rather than lose careers, once the persecution began, these people moderated their views, and economic leftism has been absent in the U.S. ever since.
Storrs’ work on gender in this era also needs to be mentioned, because the New Deal had been more transformative for women than previous histories credit it with. Women were allowed widely into government service during this period, and were also active in numerous societal groups organized around economic issues. The reaction to this advancement should serve as a reminder of the fragility of social progress in the U.S.
Political and history junkies will likely find a lot of new material on this era, but the substantial gender sections also make it a good read for social policy people as well. The Second Red Scare was a reaction to massive social and political changes in the U.S., and knowing the kinds of reaction these kinds of changes can engender is important for policy-makers in these areas.
Note: Context Corner are brief reviews by the HPAR editorial board of the books they were reading or had read.